Surprisingly, this is not near the city proper, but in a small community by the river. Fishing in on the conversation between as well as pitching in my answers (which earned a stifled giggle from the resident due to my manner of speaking :P), Ilearned some interesting facts about the community: main livelihood is fishing, as well as small enterprising. Checked out the 2 sari-sari stores standing on the borders of teh community locale.
One unforgettable experience I had was while I was walking around the village with my fellow groupmates. Since (I think) only 2 of us carry bottled iced tea, one of the young residents (a child not younger than 6 years old) approached me from the side and pointed at the plastic bottle I have in my hand. Probably thought I'm not consuming the entire contents during my stay. I offered the bottle in good intentions to the kid, and then saw him/her running back to the other kids. A small group.
I looked to my groupmates to see them smiling, with a bit of laughter, as what I just did. Now I have no water supply for me to consume in case I need it. Fortunately, I spotted a small sari-sari store, one of those I mentioned before, selling some drinks and snacks to my other classmates. I fell in line and asked for available bottled water. They have one, much to my surprise, and handed me one. Paid it, then returned to the rest of my groupmates, happily discussing what they have already done so far.
A nice experience overall. Quite a learning experience for me, adding to my knowledge of how to survive outdoors.
Oh, and by the way, here's my sociological analysis on the excursion:
Sociological Analysis of the Bajau Community
Based on our participatory observation, and a broader perspective, we see that the Bajau community in Batangas resembles a horticultural society in structure, are at the conventional level in Kohlberg’s moral development, and are traditional in the socialization process.
Data gathered from the “sponsor family” in which we are assigned to, the structural hierarchy of the family remains traditional, with the father working outside the house, while the wife takes the position of rearing the children. Unlike what most people would think of about horticultural societies, education is not much of an obligation by most parents in this community, since their child can not attend school, because of a perceived lack of parental support and lack of self-esteem, and work for the family business instead. Also, not much focus is given on intellectual skills when being taught in schools, but on practical skills like cooking and cleaning for women, carpentry and farming for men.
One thing to take note of is that of tact, a typical trait of the Filipino culture. When they feel somewhat embarrassed, they cover it up by smiling, even if it’s only a minor mistake on either our or their part. Both males and females, but mostly females, smile more often, as we have noted in our “sponsor family”, so this would be an exception.
With limited availabilities for a job outside the home, the most preferable choices a child of a family of sea farer, as in the Bajau community, would be fishing and hunting with spears for men, and weaving, housekeeping, store management, and laundry washing for women. This shows a gender based selection of occupations a Bajau individual makes for a living.
Their impression of their way of life is normal compared to our own perception. They do not see themselves as “poor”, as in the rural society compared to its urban counterpart. Other people in the community had the same view as well, citing instances when their husbands brought food instead of money, and no one in the family was complaining about it. This shows an absence of social inequality in the Bajau family.
In the community setting, all members of the community perform their respective roles and jobs in the community, some of them earninga little extra money. Rugs, blankets, pearls (both genuine and plastic) are sold at a bargain price. People gather to participate in the communal activities like fiestas, weddings and other speical occasions. A Bajau would be assigned the title of Chieftain not only on his gender but also on his status and achievements in the community. The choice selection is limited to mostly men, reflecting a patriarchial form of succession. Even with a distinct designation, he shows humility and concern for his fellow Bajaus, just like when he was on the same status as his people.
With enough specialized people available, outside intervention, even from the city government whom the community pays their taxes to, is refused by the local citizens on cultural grounds. The Bajau community we were in was an exception. Garbage collectors were allowed to perform their duty of helping the community dispose of their household wastes. Visitors and foreigners, most of them missionaries, were allowed to enter the community grounds, giving out donations like food, clothes, and money to support the people.
Even with little observable social inqueality, gender stratification still exists. Most women’s duties are still confined in the household. They keep the house clean, take care of the children, and cook food for the family. Also, they go out of the house only to engage in conversation and telling stories with other housewives, mostly about the going-ons in their life. This conception of stratification still persists in societies like the Bajau community.
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